The sentencing follows the accused’s arrest in April 2024 near Nyl Plaza Tollgate during a well-coordinated intelligence-led operation. The multidisciplinary team had been established to investigate a series of targeted killings in Thohoyandou, believed to be linked to organized criminal groups known as the Jerusalem Gang and the Black Mafia Forum (BMF).

The accused, who was at the time attached to the Public Order Policing (POP) Johannesburg Unit, was found in possession of unlicensed firearms and ammunition, suspected to have been used in several violent crimes committed by members of these gangs. Following his arrest, Ndonyane was dismissed from the South African Police Service and remained in custody without bail until the conclusion of his case on 6 November 2025.

The case was thoroughly investigated by Sergeant Lucas Letlotlo Ledwaba of the Provincial Investigation Unit, whose meticulous work led to the successful conviction, the SAPS said in a statement.

The Acting Provincial Commissioner of the South African Police Service in Limpopo, Major General Jan Scheepers, welcomed the conviction and sentencing, commending the investigative team for their outstanding work and commitment to justice.

“This conviction sends a strong and clear message that the SAPS will not tolerate any form of criminal conduct within its ranks. We will continue to dismantle organized criminal networks and ensure that those who betray the badge face the consequences in terms of the law,” said Scheepers.

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The Minister’s visit forms part of a broader Justice, Crime Prevention and Security (JCPS) Cluster effort aim to implement practical, community-driven interventions against gang violence and foster safety.

Among the stakeholders attended the engagements included representatives from civic groups, religious leaders and Community Policing Forums (CPFs).

Cachalia said gang violence in the province are as a result of organised transnational crime, stressing the need for a coordinated response.

Cachalia said he requested a briefing from National Police Commissioner Fannie Masemola on what the South African Police Service (SAPS) is doing to curb the violence, including the effectiveness of anti-gang units that has been established.

“I am aware of course that some time ago anti-gang units were put in place. There’s been some question about their effectiveness, and I intend to look into that,” he said.

Gang violence in areas like Mitchells Plain and Mfuleni has been going on for some time, with communities experiencing high levels of extortion, shootings and drug-related crimes.

The Cape Flats, including some suburbs, sees frequent clashes between rival gangs such as the Americans and Mongrels, leading to crossfire that endangers innocent residents.

Mitchells Plain residents told Cachalia that they need increased police presence to protect them from gangsters’ violence.

Cachalia pledged to do everything in his power to improve policing and reducing crime in the country.

Cachalia said the provincial commissioner and the head of crime intelligence presented him with a strategy to fight crime in the affected areas.

“They must still implement that plan. They must still resource that plan, that plan is needed. So we need a stabilisation plan.

“We need to go on the offensive against the drug lords, stabilise our communities, make sure that we are in charge, not the criminals,” he said.

Cachalia said that they might have to put in place special measures to get rid of gangsterism.

A number of people have died in gang-related violence.

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“Getting into gangs is easy, but getting out is impossible” is another popular saying in Cape Town’s gang-affected neighbourhoods. It also gives the impression that gang membership inevitably ends violently. That’s seemingly confirmed by murder statistics showing an average of two gang-related deaths in and around Cape Town every day.

Much has been written about gangs in the city. Researchers have described, for example, how gangsterism found its origins in the institutionalised violence and social disorder imposed by white supremacy under apartheid. Scholars have also written about how gang membership offers opportunities – self-protection, income and dignity – in areas where the post-apartheid state fails to provide adequate development and governance. But there is a lack of writing on gang exit in Cape Town. This reinforces the idea that gangsterism is a death sentence.

But gangsters do get out. As a social scientist I write about this in my book Gang Entry and Exit in Cape Town.

The book is based on the life histories of 24 former gang members, as well as hundreds of hours of additional interviews and observations from years of research. It shows that male and female gangsters – some trapped in gangs, substance abuse, prison, and extreme violence for over a decade – turn to family, work and religion when trying to get out.

The redemptive role of religion, especially, is central for those trying to trade street life for “normal life”.

Patrick

About 97% of South Africans declare some form of religious affiliation. The vast majority are Christian. Current and former gang participants are among the believers.

Religious membership can promote positive social networks, offer guidance for repairing relationships, and give social support and acceptance. Importantly, my research shows that spirituality also offers ex-gangsters a model for handling conflict, as well as a way to convince others – especially other gang members – that their change can be trusted.

Take Patrick (29), a former member of the Laughing Boys. Patrick used to believe that “the more people you hurt, the more people fear you”. Now he thinks differently:

I started attending church more often, reading my Bible, I helped out (at) home. With that I also learned a little bit of humility towards other people and not just to care about myself as much.

He describes how he would put on the performance of a kerk broer (church brother) when walking past his former gang brothers with a Bible, a kind word, and a deferential demeanour. This is essential to remind them of his exit from gangs, just as wearing silver chains and sneakers, speaking in slang, stabbing and shooting used to show people that he was a real gangster – not to be messed with.

Patrick admits that religion is not only about piety. It is also about performance:

I want my change to be visible, to be known by everybody that I’m not that type of person anymore.

Stigma and distrust of ex-gangsters is a key stumbling block along the journey towards gang exit. The hope is that if he can walk the righteous path for long enough, people’s memories of Patrick the Laughing Boy will be replaced by an acceptance of Patrick the church brother.

Getting to that point is not without peril, though. Like most participants in this study, poverty and limited social networks keep him trapped in the community he grew up in – and within striking distance of other gangsters. One day he was ambushed and almost assassinated by a former foe. He told me:

He didn’t have a gun fortunately, that day he wanted to kill me. I actually came from church on a Sunday walking with my Bible. He jumped out his car and said: You taking chances to even f-ing walk here … So your past can come back to haunt you.

Emerson

Emerson (43) had been part of Cape Town’s biggest gang, The Americans, for over 20 years. He served 16 separate stints in prison, mainly for violent crimes. He said:

If we get into an argument I won’t still finish talking, I will pull out my gun or knife.

Emerson now leans heavily on scripture to guide his disengagement process, and in particular to deal with conflict without violence. He described, for instance, a robbery attempt:

He’s standing over me with this brick. And I’m thinking that this guy is going to hit me … I just relied on God. His word says, ‘No weapon formed against you shall prosper.’ The Bible tells you about meekness.

Emerson also knew that playing the pious man meant showing the outside world his commitment to non-violence was real – even if meant getting hurt.

I cannot operate like I used to if I get into situations like with that robber. Because people are watching to see how I react. The gangs are watching. I knew I had to resist and forgive this guy.

As luck would have it, the attacker stalked off, likely surprised by his would-be victim’s passive reaction. But Emerson was left conflicted:

When I walked away, that’s when it started. I thought: how can I let that guy do that? Does this guy know who I am in the (gangs)? It was very hard. I started crying also, thinking that this thing happened and I did nothing.

Emerson had to fight off two threats that day. First the robbery and then this emotional reaction to it. This almost pushed him towards revenge, seeking “blood for blood” as gangsters are expected to do.

Like others in this book, Emerson didn’t experience gang exit as a single decision to change. It was a long, continuous confluence of deliberation, doubt, hope, introspection, trauma and resolution, which tangled together in complicated and sometimes contradictory ways. Eventually he got to the point where he was more out of gangs than in.

Of course, leaving gangs is a precarious process that gives no guarantee of safety. So Emerson and others took what precautions they could. Along with work and family, turning to religion gave them the best chance to stay alive until their family and neighbours accepted them, gang-mates forgot about them, and beefs with their rivals waned – showing that leaving gangs in Cape Town is difficult, but not impossible.

Written by Dariusz Dziewanski, Honorary research affiliate, Centre of Criminology, University of Cape Town.

Republished with permission from The Conversation. The original article can be found here.

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But gangs have continued to evolve and gang violence has consistently increased throughout South Africa, particularly in the Gauteng and Free State provinces. In the Free State in the east-central part of the country, devil-worshipping and witchcraft-related gang practices have been reported.

Gang-related violence is fuelled by poverty, social exclusion, unemployment and the need for protection from rival gangs.

In my doctoral study in criminology, I explored the phenomenon of occult-inspired gangs in the Free State. I interviewed 23 active gang members, 16 offenders who weren’t affiliated to gangs, and 18 service providers like social workers and correctional officials working with these groups.

In a more recent study I developed a typology of occult gangs: a framework that captures their structure, symbolism, hierarchy and spiritual practices.

This matters because in order to prevent gang-related crime it is essential to understand how they operate.

The rise of Free State occult gangs

In 1997, a South African Police Service investigation uncovered a so-called devil worshipping group or “evil church” that had migrated from parts of northern Africa and established itself in Maseru, Lesotho (South Africa’s neighbour). This group reportedly blended occult practices with traditional African witchcraft. This led local communities to label it as a devil-worshipping gang.

Since 2011, groups like this have expanded across the Free State. There are now about 40 such gangs active in the province, as reported by the police and confirmed in my research. Some of the better known gangs are the Triple 6 (666), Born-To-Kill (BTK), Natural Born Killers (NBK), International Junior Portuguese (IJP), and Maroma (Romans/Romas).

More typical street gangs are mostly known for expanding their territory through profit from the drug trade and extortion. But these Free State gangs incorporate spirituality and esoterism (special hidden knowledge) to assert dominance, foster cohesion and generate fear within communities.

They engage in serious crimes including murder, organ trafficking and rape. They are particularly known for acts such as ritual stabbings, cannibalism, and alleged communication with demonic forces.

The communities in which these groups operate, and gang members themselves, refer to them as “devil worshipping gangs”. This is because of the explicit link between certain gang-related practices and satanism, or the worship of the devil as depicted in the Christian bible.

Some groups merge beliefs and rituals related to Satan and anti-Christianity with witchcraft. Or they use symbols commonly associated with satanism such as “666” and inverted crosses. But labelling all such groups as “devil worshipping gangs” is misleading. The term “occult gangs” better captures the range of practices involved.

While both devil worshipping and witchcraft-related practices can play a role in criminal gang activity, they differ in origin and form. Devil worshipping draws from western occult traditions, using symbols and rituals to strengthen gang identity. Witchcraft-based practices typically involve the malicious use of muti (traditional African medicine) and muti murders (murders for body parts to use in muti). As one participant told me:

Yes, there are gangs that believe in muti. There are also gangs that believe in the devil. IJP and Roma believe in muti, while BTK and Triple 6 believe in getting power from the devil. They say they speak to Lucifer to give them powers.

So, infamous gangs in the Free State are not only dreaded for their brutality but also for their reported links to ritual murder, blood oaths, the use of muti and the consumption of human organs and blood. According to my research these activities have progressed from being viewed as urban legends and community myths to becoming lived realities.

Inside the gangs

My gang typology study sample consisted of 39 male offenders, aged 14 to 38. Participants were either serving sentences or awaiting trial for serious offences such as murder, rape and armed robbery.

The gang members spoke openly about seeking power through supernatural means. Some believed that consuming blood and participating in occult rituals could make them invisible to police and invincible against their enemies. As one told me:

The minute you drink blood you are invoking spirits to become part of you, demons to become part of you, and give you the powers that you need to do what you have to do…

Ritual stabbings, inverted crosses, and the “mark of the beast” (“666”) were part of their gang symbolism – seen in gang graffiti and tattoos and furthered by involvement in spiritual gatherings and the use of muti.

These elements form part of a shared gang ideology that offers meaning, identity and purpose to marginalised young people. I found that the gang members in my studies often lacked family support, social support or significant formal education.

To prevent young people from joining gangs, it is crucial to understand what pulls them in. Several participants described joining gangs not only for wealth, protection or status, but for a sense of spiritual power. Especially in communities where traditional religion, ancestral beliefs and Christian teachings coexist and sometimes collide.

My typology of occult gangs has the potential to inform targeted prevention programmes, rehabilitation efforts and policing strategies that take the spiritual realities of gang members seriously.

A new approach to fighting crime is needed

The rise of occult gangs has now progressed beyond the Free State. Similar trends are observed in the Eastern Cape, Northern Cape, Gauteng and Western Cape provinces.

The intersection of faith, fear and violence in these gangs challenges mainstream approaches to crime prevention. Traditional anti-gang strategies assume that gangs are driven mainly by socioeconomic factors or rational incentives. They fail to account for spiritual motivations and metaphysical beliefs.

The presence of ritual elements complicates investigations and amplifies fear. It makes gangs seem more powerful than they are.

At the same time, public institutions such as the police and social workers often lack the frameworks and cultural sensitivity to address the spiritual dimensions of the offences perpetrated by these groups.

The struggle with the occult gangs in South Africa mirrors similar challenges in other countries, like Nigeria, the DRC and Haiti, where spiritual symbolism and ritualised violence are central to gang identity.

Effective interventions must include culturally grounded strategies to help members disengage from gangs, involving traditional leaders, healers, faith-based actors and mental health professionals.

By addressing the spiritual, social, and psychological dimensions of gang involvement, more sustainable pathways out of these groups can be created.

Gang violence in South Africa is evolving, and so must the response. It shouldn’t just punish young offenders, but offer them a genuine alternative.

Written by Dr Ashwill Ramon Phillips, Lecturer and Postgraduate Supervisor, Department of Criminology, University of the Free State.

Republished with permission from The Conversation. The original article can be found here.

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