Service delivery protests – over basic services such as housing, electricity, refuse removal, water and sanitation – feature most prominently in these protests.

These protesters employ diverse tactics at different times: marching to government offices, barricading roads, destroying property and attacking unpopular individuals.

Often people ask why protesters resort to destroying public and private property and attacking people.

I have researched poor people’s struggles for housing and basic services in South Africa since 2012.

This article draws from a study involving 20 in-depth interviews and two focus group discussions in Gugulethu and the same number in Khayelitsha. These are low-income black townships in Cape Town.

The study investigated three inter-related questions: the reasons for protests, the tactics used by protesters, and the character and organisation of the protests. This article focuses on when, how and why different tactics are used in these protests.

It may be easy to blame protesters for barricading roads, vandalising property and attacking people. However, as my study shows, protesters often initially engage in peaceful and orderly marches. They resort to more radical tactics only when peaceful tactics fail to yield results.

Rather than placing the blame squarely on protesters, there is a need to consider the seriousness of their grievances (such as lack of water), and the failure by the authorities to respond speedily and adequately. Genuinely acknowledging and addressing the grievances discourages more militant protest tactics.

Findings

There is often a perception that communities have an appetite to engage in violent protests. But my research shows that this is not the case.

Aggrieved communities often engage in protests to push for the delivery of basic services.

Usually, poor communities first engage in rounds of orderly and peaceful means of engagement with government officials to alert them to their grievances.

These means of engagement – which are less reported by the media – include holding meetings with the officials responsible for addressing their challenges, and handing them written demands.

When all these means of engagement fail to yield fruit, communities resort to more dramatic means of engagement. These include barricading roads to pressure the government to meet their demands. Even when they turn to dramatic tactics, they first exhaust less dramatic ones.

As the scholar-activist Trevor Ngwane has rightly remarked,

When people start hitting the streets, they should have a banner saying: ‘All protocols observed’, because they’ve gone through all the channels … People feel that the only way to be heard, to get attention, is to burn tyres and engage in some of protest.

My research in Gugulethu and Khayelitsha found that a lack of response, or a poor or unsatisfactory response, led to more radical tactics.

For example, a pastor I interviewed explained the rationale for more radical protest tactics with a compelling metaphor. He explained that pain was necessary in order for someone to take action. He gave an example of a person with a sore arm, but who did nothing to address the source of the pain. He reasoned that if someone else pinched the sore arm, this would compel the patient to take necessary steps to ensure that the arm was healed.

In the same way, he explained that the government knew about the “sore arms”, or poor conditions that impoverished communities endured, but chose to ignore them.

To pressure the government to address their grievances, communities sometimes employ radical protest tactics (pinching). For communities enduring appalling service delivery, the momentary inconveniences ensuing from the “pinching” pale in comparison to the ignored service delivery challenges (sore arms).

My research, for example, highlights the precariousness of living in shacks, lacking a bathroom, toilet, running water and electricity.

It is these challenges that residents episodically protest against using primarily orderly means of engagement and sometimes more radical protest tactics to pressure (or pinch) the government to address the challenges.

What should be done?

Tactics such as the destruction of property and attacks on people that sometimes accompany protests should be discouraged. At the same time, it is important to condemn the circumstances that necessitate such radical tactics.

A more responsive government would try to make it unnecessary for people to turn to militant protests to air their grievances. The government should proactively address service delivery challenges and swiftly respond to the complaints raised by communities.

Written by Kenny Chiwarawara, Senior Lecturer, University of Johannesburg.

Republished with permission from The Conversation. The original article can be found here.

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Addressing members of the media at Pharoe Park, a low-cost rental complex owned by the Ekurhuleni Housing Company, Xhakaza said they have big plans to develop the area.

He reaffirmed the city’s determination to reclaim the area as part of its urban renewal programme.

“It’s not only about mobility. It’s about the type of facility that we want to build there, including the type of investment we want there,” Xhakaza said.

“We will not give up. We will stand our ground with the community that is on the side of the law,” he said.

Xhakaza said he is confident that the municipality will establish a system that benefits everyone.

The Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Municipality has deployed metro police in the area to maintain law and order during the evictions.

On Tuesday, scores of residents spent the afternoon trying to salvage their belongings as municipality officials, with the help of the Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Police Department (EMPD) and the police, evicted residents.

Xhakaza has warned Germiston communities that the municipality will not tolerate the illegal use of electricity.

“Illegal connections contribute to misuse of power and sustainability of the power that we are providing not only to the community of Germiston, but also to industry. The impact of illegal connection is huge,” he said.

The city said the majority of tenants at the complex were not paying rent and that prompted the city to remove them.

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According to reports, protesters in the Germiston CBD allegedly set fire to the Home Affairs building during clashes over evictions as residents allegedly demanded to occupy Pharoe Park flats without paying rent.

Government Communication and Information System (GCIS) Acting Director-General, Terry Vandayar, said vandalism undermined the hard-won rights and freedoms of South Africans and unfairly burdened taxpayers with the cost of repairs.

“Such acts of vandalism undermine the very rights and freedoms that South Africans have fought hard to secure and place an unnecessary burden on taxpayers who will ultimately bear the cost of repairs.

“While the Constitution guarantees the right to protest, it must be exercised in a peaceful and lawful manner that respects the rights of others and safeguards public property.

“Violence and destruction are not acceptable means of expressing grievances, and will not be tolerated,” the Acting Director-General said.

Speaking to the media at the scene, William Ntladi, spokesperson for the City of Ekurhuleni Disaster and Emergency Management Service, said they received calls about the fire just after 8am.

He said the two-storey building had been severely damaged and there were no injuries reported.

“The top section is the one that is well alight. The bottom one – we’re still battling to break in and see what’s happening. Resources are here, multiple fire stations, with multiple vehicles, and a number of firefighters are on site,” he said.

Home Affairs Minister Leon Schreiber said in a post on X, formerly Twitter, that the department was gathering evidence and would open criminal charges against those responsible for setting the block of flats on fire.

“Home Affairs is collating evidence and will open criminal charges against the anarchists who set a block of flats on fire in Germiston, which then spread to the neighbouring Home Affairs office. It is nothing less than an attack on our social infrastructure and cannot stand,” the Minister said.

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Their grievances, outlined in a formal memorandum to the Head of Department and Chief of Police, include the drastic reduction of overtime pay, unfair promotions, salary disparities, and poor working conditions. However, the memorandum, which is dated “26 February 2025” appears to have gone unanswered.

Their resulting protest on Wednesday 19 March sparked widespread backlash as officers used state-owned EMPD vehicles to blockade major highways, disrupting Johannesburg’s economy and frustrating taxpayers.

One of the officers’ primary concerns is the reduction of overtime hours from 80 to just 16 per month, which they argue severely impacts their financial stability. Officers have demanded an adjustment of “60 hours overtime into basic salary.” Additionally, they demand the removal of the 32-point system, which they claim unfairly determines overtime pay eligibility.

Officers working in high-risk units such as Public Order Policing, First Response Units, and specialised task teams say they face dangerous conditions with inadequate resources while their salaries remain stagnant. Furthermore, they point to significant pay disparities between EMPD officers and their counterparts in other metro police departments, such as the Johannesburg Metro Police Department (JMPD), who reportedly work fewer days per month for higher wages.

Adding to their frustrations, officers cite long-standing issues with unfair promotions and the inconsistent application of employment equity policies. The removal of the Rapid Advancement Policy, which previously facilitated career progression, has significantly limited officers’ opportunities for promotion. According to the SAPS Act, EMPD officers should be eligible for promotion after five years of service, yet many remain stagnant in their positions while others advance through unclear and questionable processes. This has led to growing discontent, with officers demanding that the policy be reinstated to ensure a fair and transparent promotion system.

Another source of frustration is the city’s failure to address repeated demands. As far back as June 2020, EMPD officers submitted similar grievances through their union, yet five years later, no meaningful action has been taken. Officers claim that former union representatives who once championed their cause have since been promoted and have gone silent on the matter. This perceived betrayal has led EMPD officers to form an independent forum to push for their demands without union interference.

While the EMPD officers argue that their demands are justified, the method of protest has drawn heavy criticism. The demonstration saw officers blocking major roads, disrupting traffic and business operations in one of South Africa’s busiest economic hubs. Critics, including advocacy groups and members of the public, have condemned the government’s inaction, accusing officials of allowing taxpayer-funded resources to be misused in the demonstration.

A statement released by We Are South Africans, a civil rights organisation, expressed outrage over the protest, calling for the immediate dismissal of all participating officers. The organisation has urged citizens to submit photos of EMPD officials and vehicles involved in the protest, promising to expose those responsible. They further issued a warning to Gauteng Premier Panyaza Lesufi, stating that legal action would be pursued to recover damages caused by the disruption.

“The government overstepped the line when they allowed state-owned and taxpayer-funded vehicles to blockade the highways of Johannesburg. We will NOT let this one slide. We probably would have, had they used their own vehicles,” the statement read.

Public sentiment remains divided, with some supporting the officers’ demands for fair pay and better working conditions, while others believe their actions were reckless and unjustified. The City of Ekurhuleni has yet to issue a formal response, but pressure is mounting for swift action against those responsible for the disruption.

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Kamau Wairuri, who has studied the policing of protests in Kenya, explains what contributes to the violence often witnessed during public demonstrations.

What contributes to police violence during protests in Kenya?

The use of excessive force is ingrained in the culture of the Kenyan state police. The police treat citizens with suspicion. Everyone, especially the poor and marginalised, is seen as a potential criminal.

Many Kenyans have been killed or maimed by police officers in efforts to disperse public assemblies since colonial times and in the course of the country’s political history. In 1922, for instance, the police killed more than 100 people who were protesting the arrest of African nationalist Harry Thuku in Nairobi. Recent examples abound.

The most crucial factor that explains this persistent use of force in the dispersal of public assemblies in Kenya is that the police have historically served political regimes rather than the citizens. I have explored this in my research, which analysed the policing of protests in Kenya from 1990 to 2010.

My study showed how regimes have used the police to repress opposition and sustain themselves in power. Order, which the police are charged with maintaining, is whatever the regime of the day defines it to be. Hence, as I argue, the actions and words of political leaders are taken as a signal of the kind of police actions that are expected and may be rewarded by an executive arm of the government that wields immense power.

The policing of protests is often anchored in the profiling of protesters, both by the police and by politicians. Protesters are often termed “looters”, “thugs” and “goons”, thus labelled as criminals who deserve to be dealt with ruthlessly. The issue of profiling was flagged by the Independent Policing Oversight Authority in a report following 2016 protests seeking to disband the country’s electoral commission.

The police often act with impunity because they are protected by the ruling elite. Not only are officers rarely held to account for the use of force in the dispersal of protesters, they are often congratulated for doing so. In his first statements in response to the current anti-tax protests, President William Ruto thanked police officers “for applying themselves to the best of their abilities in the defence of Kenya and its people”. He did not mention the brutal killing of some of the protesters, which was broadcast live on national television.

These failures to hold officers to account build citizen distrust in the police.

What laws regulate the use of force by the police?

Kenya’s constitution guarantees the right to protest. Since this right is not unlimited, Kenyan laws empower the police to ensure that protests are carried out in a lawful and peaceful manner. The law requires protest organisers to inform the police of their planned demonstrations.

In turn, police actions are guided by various legal instruments. The National Police Service Act of 2011 provides overall guidance on the use of force by police officers. The Public Order Act of 2012 empowers officers to disperse a public assembly where there is a clear or imminent danger of a breach of peace. The Service Standing Orders provide for the lawful use of force to suppress or disperse a riotous mob.

The country’s legal framework seeks to restrict the use of force during protests to exceptional circumstances.

What reforms have been proposed or made to mitigate police violence?

The Independent Policing Oversight Authority made important recommendations on improving the policing of public assemblies in line with the constitution.

The authority noted the absence of a policy with guidelines on public order management. This would guide police conduct during protests. This policy would address matters like the training of police officers on public order management.

The policy would also guide intelligence gathering on protests. Infiltration of demonstrations by hired disruptors or criminal elements has been alleged in the current anti-tax protests.

The policy would require police officers to wear uniforms and badges so that they are identifiable, provide medical support for the injured, and operate within the law as they work.

Such a policy has yet to be adopted. As a result, the policing of protests continues to be marked by poor planning and coordination, with officers who are not properly trained, equipped or briefed before entering tense situations.

This not only makes police officers themselves unsafe, but means violence is the only strategy they can use. It’s little wonder that the policing of protests in Kenya continues to be marked by human rights abuses.

Kenya can also draw on international approaches. The most progressive one is the negotiated management model. It emphasises people’s right to protest and seeks constructive relationships between the police and protesters. It has been used in developed countries, such as the US and the UK.

An evaluation of an attempt to use this approach in Kenya found that it failed because police weren’t willing to engage protesters in constructive ways.

Written by Kamau Wairuri, Lecturer in criminology, Edinburgh Napier University.

Republished with permission from The Conversation. The original article can be found here.

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Kenya’s police are being criticised for their violent response to protests over the past week against government proposals to raise US$2.7 billion in additional taxes.

Hundreds of thousands of people, across 35 of Kenya’s 37 counties, poured out onto the streets in opposition to the tax hikes. The police have reacted with force, using live bullets and tear gas. At least five people are known to have been killed and hundreds have been injured.

The reaction by the police force didn’t come as a surprise. Kenya has a long history of policing with excessive force, often resulting in unnecessary deaths. And this time round, Kenyans were prepared. Posters outlining codes of conduct show guidelines on how to deal with harassment, teargas and medical emergencies.

We’ve published several articles that put these recent events into context.

Governance analyst Douglas Lucas Kivoi explains that the brutality exhibited by Kenya’s police force is a result of a number of factors. These include its beginnings under British colonial rule (the police weren’t there to serve the interests of the people, they were there to support the administration), poor recruitment policies, corruption and a lack of accountability for their actions – police will continue to operate with violence because they know they will get away with it.

Read more: Why violence is a hallmark of Kenyan policing. And what needs to change

Given this history, Kenyans don’t trust the police. Conflict researchers Kristine Höglund and Emma Elfversson explain that witnessing or experiencing unfair treatment undermines trust in Kenya’s police.

They write that the levels of mistrust are higher in urban settings than rural because police-citizen interactions are more frequent and visible and because of extrajudicial killings. Low levels of trust in a police force influence police effectiveness and public perceptions of safety.

Read more: Urban Kenyans mistrust police even more than rural residents do: study sets out why it matters

Criminologist Kamau Wairuri provides deeper insights into the way this distrust manifests. Instead of turning to the police for help, Kenyans often rely on private security. In poor neighbourhoods, people sometimes turn to community vigilantism – they take security matters into their own hands.

The turn to vigilantism means that the police can’t bring perpetrators of crimes to justice. Wairuri explains that the police blame the community for not providing them with information that would help them catch criminals. And many criminal cases in Kenya fail because of police failure to provide adequate evidence in court.

Read more: Many Kenyans have embraced vigilante cops – an ineffective police force is to blame

Of course, not all citizen experiences of the police are about violence. There’s corruption and bribery, too. Citizens complain about how the police treat them like ATMs – a source of cash.

One place where citizens are most vulnerable are traffic police checkpoints, which liberally dot Kenya’s highways – but they’re not just about keeping road users safe. Governance specialist Gedion Onyango describes the “art of bribery” that has been created by corrupt traffic officers. Collected bribes move along the hierarchy to high-ranking beneficiaries at police headquarters.

Read more: The art of bribery: a closeup look at how traffic officers operate on Kenya’s roads

Reform or abolish?

The government is aware of these issues and has been trying to build a more legitimate and effective police force.

Extensive attempts to reform the police began in earnest in 2008 when the police were found to be complicit in post-election violence. Reforms were codified into the 2010 constitution and new police legislation in 2011. These processes established national policies for community policing and an independent agency to improve civilian oversight.

But the reforms have largely failed. Policing expert Tessa Diphoorn reveals that police abuse has shown a “significant increase” over the past six years, rather than a decline. The Kenyan police remain repressive and unaccountable.

Why are the reforms not working? Through her research, Diphoorn found that various forms of misconduct were normalised as a part of everyday police work. Also, many officers were too scared to speak out against their colleagues. It could result in the denial of promotions or punishment – like being transferred to a hardship area. She also found that police officers sometimes covered for each other when involved in crime.

Read more: Why decades of Kenya police reforms have not yielded change

Having conducted hundreds of interviews and various studies, anthropologists Wangui Kimari and Zoltán Glück argue that the police should be abolished altogether. They found that Kenya’s police made Nairobi residents feel less safe and that the public didn’t depend on the police for safety.

Read more: Kenya’s police are violent, unaccountable and make most citizens feel less safe – should they be abolished?

It’s hard to imagine society without a police force. So what exactly would the abolition of the police force look like? Kimari and Glück explain that “police abolition” would mean dismantling ineffective and repressive institutions, replacing them with systems of actual safety.

Written by Moina Spooner, Assistant Editor, The Conversation.

Republished with permission from The Conversation. The original article can be found here.

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The protests, which also saw looting of trucks and attacks on the police, disrupted traffic, flights, car rental and other services on Monday. Hospitals were forced to operate with a skeleton staff, and the casting of special votes in the region was also disrupted.

The taxi operators’ actions were because of a crackdown by authorities following an outbreak of violence last week. Police had confiscated 38 pistols and five rifles from a group of people belonging to a taxi organisation who gathered at the Nelson Mandela Hospital in Mthatha. This came after a shootout between taxi factions in Maclear that saw three taxi operators killed last week. Security guards were at the hospital to guard the wounded taxi drivers when they their weapons were seized, SABC reported.

Most of the weapons were returned to the association on Monday afternoon, halting the protest action, DispatchLIVE reported.

Meanwhile, according to the South African Police Service (SAPS), five suspects were arrested at about 9am on Monday after shots were fired at Public Order Policing and Mthatha Vispol members.

“Two suspects sustained injuries while the other three were arrested. Two firearms were also confiscated. A case of attempted murder and possession of firearms is opened for further investigation,” the SAPS statement read.

SAPS said Public Order Policing, the National Intervention Unit and Tactical Response Teams are in Mthatha policing the situation.

Provincial Commissioner, Lieutenant General Nomthetheleli Mene, has since issued a stern warning against those circulating videos and messages that appear to incite unrest.

“Such actions are not only irresponsible but also illegal. We will take strict action against anyone found to be engaging in activities that threaten the safety and security of the public and the integrity of the election process,” warned Mene.

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